我与劳拉很高兴重回曼谷。我们感激国王陛下和王后陛下的盛情欢迎。
首先，我带来美国对我们最古老的亚洲盟友、对泰国人民最热烈的祝愿。我们的友谊开始于175年前的春天，当时杰克逊总统派使者到暹罗（注：泰国的旧称）。谈判代表们很快达成一份和平及商业协定，一面以莲花为印信，另一面以鹰和星星为印信。其后就是世代的紧密友谊。在这一点上，泰国国王曾提出送大象给美国。林肯总统不得不礼貌地拒绝。
孕育了我们的同盟的自由和开放的价值观持续了数百年。从朝鲜到越南到阿富汗到伊拉克，美国军队和泰国皇家武装部队并肩作战。我们的自由市场经济乘着贸易和投资地涨潮澎湃向前。随着越来越多的人发现这块美丽而古老的土地，旅游业兴旺。如今大约有20万泰裔美国人以他们的事业、文化和信仰给我国增添姿彩。
在我们的联盟的历史性的周年，美国期待泰国作为地区领袖和世界范围内的合作伙伴。我自豪地指定泰国成为美国的一个重要非北约盟友。我向恢复民主的泰国人民致敬，民主的恢复证明这块“自由的土地”的自由和法治。
在许多方面，泰国的故事就是这个地区的故事。在过去60年来，亚洲已经从一个陷入了贫困并从世界大战中恢复的地区变成一个繁荣和充满活力的地区。美国在这个转型中发挥了关键作用。通过维持稳定的军事存在，我们帮助新兴国家摆脱安全威胁。通过密切的外交关系，我们帮助曾经敌对的国家和平解决它们的分歧。通过向亚洲出口开放我们的市场，我们帮助强大的经济体成形。
美国以这些贡献为豪。当然这个地区的成功的主要原因是它的人民。从韩国到新加坡，各国奉行以自由企业、自由贸易和法治为基础的经济政策。结果震惊世界。去年，美国和太平洋这一端的商品贸易达到一万亿美元。而且数个世纪的格局发生惊人变化，现在跨太平洋贸易比跨大西洋贸易要多。
伴随经济自由的崛起而来的，是政治自由的扩大。二战结束后，澳大利亚和新西兰是这一地区唯一的民主政体。如今，大多数亚洲国家响应它们的公民。通过这一转变，本地区的民众驳斥了那些声称“亚洲价值观”与自由不相容的怀疑论。在以佛教为主的泰国、以印度教为主的印度、以穆斯林为主的印尼、以神道教为主的日本以及以基督教为主的菲律宾，都出现了自由社会。自由扎根后，和平随之而来。该地区几十年来没有发生重大战争。
有人把这种转变称为“亚洲奇迹”。事实上，根本没有奇迹。这是普世真理：对自由的热爱是超越文化与信仰的。自由市场释放了创新，展示繁荣之路。对人才和民众创造力的信任，是建立一个充满活力和充满希望的社会的最可靠途径。
我成为总统时，我就带来这样一种信念：美国是一个太平洋国家，我们的利益和理想等都需要与亚洲接触。因此在过去的七年，美国在这个地区一直奉行四个主要的目标：振兴我们的联盟，与具有共同价值观的国家建立新的关系，抓住新的繁荣与增长的机遇，一起面对的共同挑战。
自信和有针对性的联盟是推进亚洲和平与繁荣的最好方式。在亚洲，美国有五个缔约同盟。我们认真对待它们，我们已经加强与每一个同盟的关系。我们和澳大利亚签署了一项新条约，深化我们的国防和贸易合作。我们帮助菲律宾提升其军事能力。我们在泰国加强安保措施。我们正通过把我们军队迁出城市和城镇，搬到更具战略性的位置，改善我们的军队在韩国的状态。我们已通过新的导弹防御协议，以维护我们在太平洋强大的维和立场为目标改变军队的结构，加强我们与日本的同盟。
所有这些措施都是为了向我们的盟友保证，在我们面临的任何考验面前，美国都将坚定地站在它们身旁。我也致力于与盟国的民选领导人发展强大的个人关系。这些友谊是建立在诚信、尊重和共同价值观之上。到明年新总统入主白宫之时，美国的亚洲同盟将前所未有的强大。
在美国振兴我们的缔约同盟之时，我们与亚洲其他自由国家加深关系。与我们有着共同民主理想的国家应是美国天然的合作伙伴。然而我上任之时我们与亚洲许多自由国家之间的关系很紧张。例如，美国已大大改善我们与世界上最大的民主国家印度的关系，包括缔结历史性的民用核协议。
我们还扭转了我们与穆斯林最多的国家印尼的关系。我们与印尼的民选政府密切合作，协助经历几十年军事统治的印尼发展充满活力的民主制度。我们已经与蒙古签署了一项划时代的协议，帮助它推动民主发展。我们已加强与东盟繁荣的国家的合作，东盟现在正由伟大的泰国担任主席。我们和整个地区的自由国家一起，建立新的亚太地区民主伙伴关系，这是该地区唯一一个以促进亚洲民主价值观念和制度为唯一关注点的组织。
整体而言，美国已经同时改善我们与所有亚洲大国的关系。专家会说，这是不可能的，因为这些国家之间存在历史紧张。但有迹象显示这种旧模式已经过时：在市场融合以及有共同威胁的时代，一个国家自由的发展对所有其他自由国家都有好处。这一变化标志着大大偏离过去的零和心态。而且这一变化为未来提供了推动力：确保亚洲自由、繁荣和希望地发展与这个地区每一个国家的利益息息相关。
自由、繁荣和希望的最有力引擎之一是贸易。我上任的时候，与美国有生效的自由贸易协定的国家只有三个，而且都不在亚洲。如今，与我们有生效协议的国家有14个，包括澳大利亚及新加坡。我们已经即将与韩国缔结自由贸易协定，我正在推动美国国会通过它。我们已开始和马来西亚谈判自由贸易协定，与越南谈判双边投资协定。我们期待与泰国恢复贸易谈判。而且我们支持建立降低整个地区贸易壁垒的亚太自由贸易区。亚太国家如今的贸易和投资关系比以往更加活跃。而且在未来的岁月，整个地区的工人、消费者和企业家都将从中获益。
不幸的是，关于经济的开放性，美国有时会发出混乱的信号。数十年来，美国维持灵活、开放市场的超党派承诺。这肯定不会改变。我呼吁整个地区的民众拒绝你们国家的贸易保护主义。通过共同努力，我们可以通过保持投资和贸易的开放，把世界引向更多的增长，更多的就业，更多的机会。
尽管我们取得种种成就，但我们的国家仍然面临挑战，我们正努力一起去面对：
我们共同面对恐怖威胁。与整个地区的合作伙伴一起，我们已抓获或被击毙世界上一些最危险的恐怖分子。我们还努力用一个更有希望的选项对付极端分子可恶的意识形态。我们还强烈支持泰国、印尼和马来西亚等国家的反对极端主义坚定立场、并表明伊斯兰和宽容是可以成为手牵手的民主政体。美国在亚洲的许多朋友也在阿富汗、伊拉克和我们站在一起。在阿富汗和伊拉克，新近获得自由的民众正以对未来的希望取代过去几十年的恐惧。有那么多勇敢的合作伙伴与我们一起响应时代的呼唤，美国以此为豪。无论任务有多困难，我们都不会退却，直到取得这场反恐战争的胜利。
我们在一起面对朝鲜的威胁。东北亚各国迫切需要确保不能处于平壤的核武器威胁之下。然而我上任之时，各国无法就朝鲜问题达成个统一阵线。因此美国同中国、韩国、日本和俄罗斯建立六方会谈。面对各邻国协调一致的压力，朝鲜已承诺拆除其核设施和放弃其核武器。最近该政权提交了核活动申报。如今朝鲜政权必须致力于帮助我们验证这份申报，解决突出关注问题，包括核扩散和铀浓缩。另外五方将团结一致，直到我们达到我们的最终目标：一个没有压迫、没有核武器的朝鲜半岛。美国将继续坚持要求平壤政权结束它严酷的统治，尊重朝鲜人民的尊严和人权。
我们在一起寻求缅甸暴政的终结。这一崇高的事业有很多全身投入的拥护者，我恰好和当中一个结婚。今天，劳拉将前往泰国－缅甸边境，访问一个安置营和一个医疗诊所。重申我们的呼吁，要求缅甸军政府释放昂山素姬和所有其他政治犯。我们将继续努力，直到缅甸人民获得他们应得的自由。
我们在一起面对我们的人民和我们的繁荣所面临的其他严重挑战。整个地区的政府协力解决如禽流感等传染病问题。该地区的主要经济体在努力达成全球气候协议，以提高能源安全，减少温室气体而不削弱经济增长。从2004年的海啸到今年的飓风，该地区已走到一起对抗自然灾害。由于所有这些伙伴关系，我们不断深化我们国家之间的信任和开放性。我们确信，无论未来可能有什么挑战，亚太各国将共同面对。
在亚洲和在全世界，很多人心目中有一个问题：中国未来的发展方向。自1975年第一次到访中国以后，我就对中国着了迷。当时我的父亲是美国驻北京联络处主任。那个时候，这个国家刚刚摆脱文革。普遍很贫穷。街头是大群自行车。人们穿着几乎相同的衣服。难以想象三十年后北京将疾跑进入满是摩天大楼、汽车的现代时代，成为国际商务之家和奥运主办地。
多年来，美国与中国的关系复杂。当我上任时，我决心让我们的关系有一个坚定的、有原则的基础。我们在亚洲追求的四个目标——加强我们的联盟、组成新的民主伙伴关系、深化我们的经济关系、合作面对共同挑战，让美国和我们的盟友有了宝贵的新平台，从这个平台有信心地与中国接触。这个地区和平与成功的未来需要中国和美国的深入参与，因此美国在亚太的接触必须是有针对性的和持久的。
中国和美国有重要的共同经济利益。中国自由市场改革所引发的经济增长对中国民众有好处，中国民众正在建设一个自信的中产阶级，这个阶层的利益系于和平的未来。中国新生的购买力对世界也有好处，因为它为全球出口品提供巨大的市场。确保各方利益的关键在于坚持让中国遵守国际经济体系规则。因此美国强烈支持中国加入世界贸易组织，在世贸，我们可以对抗我们认为不公平的贸易做法。多哈回合贸易谈判的停顿让我们感到失望，我们将继续接触中国和其他国家，以促成多哈回合贸易谈判成功。
美国和中国设立了一个新的战略经济对话，我们在那里讨论如何确保两国经济长期的增长和共同的繁荣，以及讨论货币汇率和知识产权等问题。通过这些和其他讨论，我们向中国表明，作为一个全球经济领袖担负着责任，要负责任地回应从能源到环境到非洲发展等事务。
美国和中国在许多关键领域都开始合作。我们是防止大规模杀伤性武器扩散的伙伴，而且中国在六方会谈发挥了关键的领导作用。美国也强调我们决心维持两岸和平。从我担任总统开始，我就清楚表明美国对台湾的关系将基于我们长期以来的“一个中国”政策、我们的三个联合公报以及我们根据《与台湾关系法》对台湾民主的坚定承诺。我还阐述任何一方不应单方面试图改变现状的原则。由于坦诚的接触和坚定的外交策略，一度紧张的台海局势归于平静，我们正在目睹一个新的稳定与和平时期。
我们在这些领域的建设性关系已经让美国处于一个更友好的立场，在其他问题上诚实而直接。我已经清楚、坦诚、始终一致地和中国领导人谈过我们对宗教自由和人权问题的深切关注。而且我多次和中国的持不同政见者和宗教人士会晤。美国相信中国人民应该拥有作为全人类自然权利的基本自由。因此美国的立场是坚决地反对中国拘留持不同政见者、人权倡导者和宗教活动家。我们大声呼吁新闻自由、集会自由以及劳工权利，这不是与中国领导人对抗，而是因为相信民众获得更大自由是中国充分发挥其潜力的唯一出路。而且我们敦促开放和公正并不是把我们的信念强加给中国，而是要让中国民众表达他们自己的。诚如中国科学家许良英（Xu Liangying）所言：“人性是共同的，需要追求自由和平等。”
最后，只有中国才能决定它要走什么路。美国和我们的合作伙伴是现实主义的，我们准备面对任何可能性。我对中国的未来感到乐观。在商品自由贸易中成长起来的年轻人最终将要求思想交流的自由，特别是要求没有限制的互联网。中国的改变将以它自己的方式到来，符合它自己的历史和传统。这种转变即将到来。所有人都将清楚看到那些渴望说出自己的良心以及膜拜他们的神的人不是中国未来的威胁。他们是将让中国成为21世纪伟大国家的人们。
这是我作为总统的最后一次东亚之旅。我有很大的信心，亚洲的机遇、成就和影响力将继续增长。我有信心，是因为我知道这个地区的民众的创新和进取精神。我有信心，是因为引发亚洲转变的自由与希望的力量绝不会回头。我有信心，是因为我知道美国与我们亚洲朋友之间的纽带永远不会被打破。
二战期间，当日本帝国的部队进入泰国，泰国驻华盛顿大使收到指示，要向美国宣战。他勇敢地拒绝发出这种声明。美国也拒绝承认泰国是我们的敌人。相反，我们帮助美国的泰国人组成“Seri Thai”运动。他们跨太平洋部署，渗透敌后，收集情报，帮助加速这块伟大土地的解放。
Seri Thai运动的一些成员仍然和我们在一起。美国人民永远感激他们。而且这个地区的所有人都可以指望美国的庄严承诺：在过去，美国与亚洲的自由人们站在一起。今天，我们和亚洲的自由人们站在一起。我们将和亚洲自由的人民站在一起，迈进光明的未来。
谢谢，愿上帝保佑你们所有人。
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演讲稿原文：
Laura and I are delighted to be back in Bangkok. We appreciate the gracious welcome extended by His Majesty the King and Her Majesty the Queen.
Above all, I bring America's warmest wishes to our oldest allies in Asia, the people of Thailand. Our friendship began 175 years ago this spring, when President Andrew Jackson dispatched an envoy to Siam. Negotiators soon concluded a treaty of peace and commerce and sealed it with a lotus flower on one side and an eagle and stars on the other. Generations of close friendship followed. At one point, the Thai King offered to send elephants to America. President Abraham Lincoln had to politely decline.
The values of freedom and openness that gave birth to our alliance have sustained it through the centuries. American troops and the Royal Thai Armed Forces have stood united from Korea and Vietnam to Afghanistan and Iraq. Our free market economies have surged forward on a rising tide of trade and investment. Tourism has boomed, as more people discover this beautiful and ancient land. And some 200,000 Thai Americans now enrich my nation with their enterprise, culture, and faith.
On this historic anniversary of our alliance, America looks to Thailand as a leader in the region and a partner around the world. I was proud to designate Thailand a major non-NATO ally of the United States. And I salute the Thai people on the restoration of democracy, which has proved that liberty and law reign here in the "Land of the Free."
In many ways, the story of Thailand is the story of this region. Over the past six decades, Asia has gone from an area mired in poverty and recovering from world war to a thriving and dynamic region. America has played a pivotal role in this transformation. By maintaining a stabilizing military presence, we helped to free emerging nations from concerns about security. By pursuing strong diplomatic engagement, we helped once-hostile nations resolve their differences in peace. And by opening our markets to Asian exports, we helped powerful economies to take shape.
America is proud of these contributions. Yet the primary source of this region's success is its people. From South Korea to Singapore, nations pursued economic policies based on free enterprise, free trade, and the rule of law. The results have astounded the world. Last year, trade in goods between the United States and this side of the Pacific reached one trillion dollars. And in a striking change from the pattern of centuries, more trade now crosses the Pacific than the Atlantic.
With the rise of economic freedom has come a dramatic expansion of political liberty. After World War II, Australia and New Zealand were this region's only democracies. Today, the majority of Asian nations answer to their citizens. With this shift, the people of this region have defied the skeptics who claimed that "Asian values" were incompatible with liberty. Free societies have emerged in largely Buddhist Thailand largely Hindu India largely Muslim Indonesia largely Shinto Japan and the largely Christian Philippines. As freedom has taken root, peace has followed. And the region has gone decades without a major war.
Some have called this transformation "The Asian Miracle." In truth, it is no miracle at all. It is evidence of universal truths: The passion for liberty transcends culture and faith. Free markets unleash innovation and blaze the path to prosperity. And trusting in the natural talent and creativity of a nation's people is the surest way to build a vibrant and hopeful society.
When I became President, I brought a conviction that America is a Pacific nation and that our interests and ideals alike require stronger engagement in Asia than ever before. So over the past seven years, America has pursued four broad goals in the region: to reinvigorate our alliances to forge new relationships with countries that share our values to seize new opportunities for prosperity and growth and to confront shared challenges together.
Confident and purposeful alliances are the best way to advance peace and prosperity in Asia. America has five treaty alliances in Asia. We take them seriously, and we have bolstered each one. We signed a new treaty with Australia that deepens our cooperation in defense trade. We helped the Philippines upgrade its military capabilities. We have strengthened security initiatives here in Thailand. We are improving our force posture in South Korea by working to move our troops out of cities and towns and into more strategically effective positions. And we have reinforced our close alliance with Japan by launching new missile defense initiatives and by transforming our troop posture in a way that preserves our strong position to maintain peace in the Pacific.
All these steps were designed to reassure our allies that America will stand firmly beside them in any test we face. I also worked to develop strong personal relationships with our allies' elected leaders. These friendships are built on a foundation of honesty, respect, and shared values. And when a new occupant moves into the White House next year, America's alliances in Asia will be the strongest they have ever been.
As America has revitalized our treaty alliances, we have forged deeper ties with other free nations in Asia. Countries that share our democratic ideals should be natural partners of the United States. Yet when I took office, our relations with many free nations in Asia were strained. For example, America has dramatically improved our ties with India — the world's largest democracy — including a historic agreement on civilian nuclear energy.
We have also turned around our relationship with Indonesia, which is home to more Muslims than any other nation on Earth. We have partnered closely with Indonesia's freely elected government to help develop the institutions of a vibrant democracy after decades under military rule. We have signed a landmark agreement with Mongolia to help boost democratic development. We have enhanced cooperation with the thriving countries of ASEAN, which is now chaired by the great nation of Thailand. And we have joined with free nations throughout the region to establish a new Asia Pacific Democracy Partnership the region's only organization whose sole focus is promoting democratic values and institutions in Asia.
Overall, America has improved our relationships with all of Asia's major powers at the same time. Experts would have said this was impossible because of the historical tensions between these nations. But something has rendered the old patterns obsolete: In an era of integrated markets and common threats, the expansion of freedom in one nation benefits all other free nations. This change marks a sharp departure from the zero-sum mentality of the past. And this change provides a clear charge for the future: Every nation in this region has a stake in ensuring that Asia continues to grow in liberty, prosperity, and hope.
One of the most powerful drivers of liberty, prosperity, and hope is trade. When I took office, America had free trade agreements in force with only three countries, none of them in Asia. Today we have agreements in force with 14 countries, including Australia and Singapore. We have concluded a promising agreement with South Korea, which I am pushing the United States Congress to pass. We have begun negotiating a free trade agreement with Malaysia and a bilateral investment treaty with Vietnam. We look forward to resuming trade negotiations with Thailand. And we have supported the vision of a Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific, which would bring down trade barriers across this region. The nations of the Asia Pacific now have more vibrant trade and investment ties than ever. And workers, consumers, and entrepreneurs across this region will reap the benefits for years to come.
Unfortunately, America sometimes sends mixed signals about the openness of our economy. Voices of economic isolationism do not represent the interests of the American people. For decades, America has maintained a bipartisan commitment to flexible, open markets. This must not change. I urge people across this region to reject protectionism in your own countries. Together, we can lead the world toward more growth, more jobs, and more opportunities by staying open to investment and trade.
For all the gains we have made, our nations still face challenges, and we are working to confront them together:
Together, we are confronting the threat of terror. With partners across this region, we have captured or killed some of the world's most dangerous terrorists. We are also working to counter the hateful ideology of the extremists with a more hopeful alternative. We strongly support democracies like Thailand, Indonesia, and Malaysia, which are making determined stands against extremism and showing that Islam and tolerance go hand-in-hand. Many of America's friends in Asia have also stood with us in Afghanistan and Iraq, where newly free people are replacing decades of fear with a future of hope. America is proud to stand with so many brave partners in answering the calling of our time. And no matter how difficult the task may be, we will not relent until this ideological struggle is won.
Together, we are confronting the threat posed by North Korea. The nations of Northeast Asia all have an urgent stake in ensuring that Pyongyang does not threaten the region with nuclear weapons. Yet when I took office, there was no way for these nations to approach North Korea with a unified front. So America joined with China, South Korea, Japan, and Russia to create the Six-Party Talks. Faced with concerted pressure from all its neighbors, North Korea has pledged to dismantle its nuclear facilities and give up its nuclear weapons. Recently the regime submitted a declaration of its nuclear activities. Now the North Korean regime must commit to help us verify the declaration and address outstanding concerns about its behavior, including its proliferation and uranium enrichment. The other five parties will stand united until we reach our ultimate goal: a Korean Peninsula free of oppression and free of nuclear weapons. And the United States will continue to insist that the regime in Pyongyang end its harsh rule and respect the dignity and human rights of the North Korean people.
Together, we seek an end to tyranny in Burma. This noble cause has many devoted champions, and I happen to be married to one of them. Today, Laura is traveling to the Thai-Burmese border, where she is visiting a resettlement camp and a medical clinic. America reiterates our call on Burma's military junta to release Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners. And we will continue working until the people of Burma have the freedom they deserve.
Together, we are confronting other serious challenges to our people and our prosperity. Governments across the region have coordinated efforts to address pandemics like avian flu. The major economies of the region are working for a global climate agreement that improves energy security and cuts greenhouse gases without cutting economic growth. And the region has come together to respond to natural disasters, from the tsunami of 2004 to this year's cyclone. With all these partnerships, we are deepening trust and openness among our nations. And we are ensuring that whatever challenges the future may bring, the nations of the Asia Pacific will meet them together.
One question on the minds of many here in Asia and many around the world is the future direction of China. I have been fascinated by China since my first trip there in 1975, when my dad was head of the United States Liaison Office in Beijing. At the time, the country was just emerging from the Cultural Revolution. Poverty was rampant. The streets swarmed with bicycles. People were wearing almost identical clothes. And it seemed unimaginable that three decades later Beijing would be sprinting into the modern era covered in skyscrapers, filled with cars, home to international businesses, and hosting the Olympic Games.
Over the years, America has had complex relations with China. When I took office, I was determined to set our relationship on a sturdy, principled footing. The four goals we have pursued in Asia — reinforcing our alliances, forming new democratic partnerships, deepening our economic ties, and cooperating on shared challenges — have given America and our allies valuable new platforms from which to confidently engage China. A peaceful and successful future for this region requires the strong involvement of both China and the United States so America's engagement throughout the Asia Pacific must be purposeful and enduring.
China and the United States share important economic interests. The growth sparked by China's free market reforms is good for the Chinese people, who are building a confident middle class with a stake in a peaceful future. China's new purchasing power is also good for the world, because it provides an enormous market for exports from across the globe. The key to ensuring that all sides benefit is insisting that China adhere to the rules of the international economic system. So America strongly supported China's accession to the World Trade Organization, where we are able to contest trade practices that we find unfair. We are disappointed that the Doha Round of trade talks has stalled, and we will continue to engage China and other nations to help reach a successful conclusion.
America has also established a new strategic economic dialogue with China, where we discuss ways to ensure long-term growth and widely shared prosperity in both our economies, as well as issues like currency exchange rates and intellectual property rights. Through these discussions and others, we are making clear to China that being a global economic leader carries with it the duty to act responsibly on matters from energy to the environment to development in Africa.
America and China have found other key areas of cooperation. We are partnering to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and China has played a critical leadership role in the Six-Party Talks. America has also stressed our determination to maintain peace across the Taiwan Strait. From the beginning of my presidency, I have stated clearly that America's approach to Taiwan would be based on our longstanding "one-China" policy, our three joint communiques, and our steadfast commitment to the security of Taiwan's democracy under the Taiwan Relations Act. I have also articulated a principle that there should be no unilateral attempts by either side to alter the status quo. As a result of this frank engagement and firm diplomacy, the tensions that once roiled the Taiwan Strait have calmed, and we are witnessing a new period of stability and peace.
Our constructive relationship in these areas has placed America in a better position to be honest and direct on other issues. I have spoken clearly, candidly, and consistently with China's leaders about our deep concerns over religious freedom and human rights. And I have met repeatedly with Chinese dissidents and religious believers. The United States believes the people of China deserve the fundamental liberty that is the natural right of all human beings. So America stands in firm opposition to China's detention of political dissidents, human rights advocates, and religious activists. We speak out for a free press, freedom of assembly, and labor rights not to antagonize China's leaders, but because trusting its people with greater freedom is the only way for China to develop its full potential. And we press for openness and justice not to impose our beliefs, but to allow the Chinese people to express theirs. As Chinese scientist Xu Liangying has said: "Human nature is universal and needs to pursue freedom and equality."
Ultimately, only China can decide what course it will follow. America and our partners are realistic, and we are prepared for any possibility. I am optimistic about China's future. Young people who grow up with the freedom to trade goods will ultimately demand the freedom to trade ideas, especially on an unrestricted Internet. Change in China will arrive on its own terms and in keeping with its own history and traditions. Yet change will arrive. And it will be clear for all to see that those who aspire to speak their conscience and worship their God are no threat to the future of China. They are the people who will make China a great nation in the 21st century.
This is my last trip to East Asia as President. I have great confidence that Asia will continue to grow in opportunity, achievement, and influence. I am confident because I know the creative and enterprising spirit of this region's people. I am confident because the forces of freedom and hope that unleashed the transformation of Asia can never be turned back. And I am confident because I know the bonds between America and our friends in Asia will never be broken.
When forces from Imperial Japan entered Thailand during World War II, the Thai ambassador in Washington was directed to declare war on the United States. He bravely refused to deliver the declaration. In turn, America refused to recognize Thailand as our enemy. Instead, we helped Thais in America band together in a movement called Seri Thai. They deployed across the Pacific, infiltrated behind enemy lines, and gathered intelligence that helped speed the liberation of this great land.
Several members of the Seri Thai movement are still with us. They have the lasting gratitude of the American people. And all in this region can count on a solemn promise from the United States: America stood with the free people of Asia in the past. We stand with the free people of Asia today. And we will stand with the free people of Asia long into your bright future.
Thank you, and may God bless you all.
